The Chinese regime’s claims on Arunachal Pradesh are wholly unjustified. The preference of a region’s inhabitants as well as international agreements are far more relevant factors when determining its status than claims based on ancient history and expansionist aggression.
China’s National Security Law has reduced Hong Kong’s autonomy and made it easier for the CCP regime to punish pro-democracy activists.
It is clear that more prudent and proactive statecraft is needed; a doctrine that accepts that the sword cannot solve every problem and a retreat from world affairs will only leave space for uncertainty. Rather, the US should embrace the prospect of working alongside diverse partners to make the world more resilient to the forces that seek to undermine free societies.
There is a growing tendency among libertarians to attack the concept of democracy, and blame it for America’s problems. But this is reckless: we need to address the issues within our system and provide alternatives instead of burning the entire thing down.
Since the military coup on February 1, pro-democracy protesters in Myanmar are suffering brutal repression and human rights violations.
Ilya Somin is Professor of Law at George Mason University. His research focuses on constitutional law, property law, and the study of popular political participation.
“From the evidence I’ve seen, propaganda works – though not nearly as well as the propagandists would hope.”
Bryan Caplan is a Professor of Economics at George Mason University. He is a prolific blogger and author of three books: The Myth of the Rational Voter: Why Democracies Choose Bad Policies (2007), Selfish Reasons to Have More Kids: Why Being a Great Parent is Less Work and More Fun Than You Think (2011), and the forthcoming The Case […]
My own hands are dirty and my own heart is impure; however, I have seen the light. I repent.
The incentives politicians face reward the concentration and consolidation of power.
The incentive structure of the federal government needs adjusting.
In his first month as President, Donald Trump has been the epitome of democracy.
A liberal democracy is not a machine that will run itself: it is run by people.
Any variation in election rules — for president, for student body treasurer, or for anything else — allows us to examine the rules’ impact on voting outcomes.
It is not easy being a committed democrat when your side loses an election.
The inauguration of President Trump was immediately followed by size comparisons.
During the primaries, commentators and academics continually decried the fact that voters had too little information about the candidates.
For 50 years, America has offered an escape hatch for victims of the Castro regime; now President Obama is slamming it shut.
Trump’s victory has triggered a spate of post-hoc analysis about what went wrong. One of the major narratives to take root is that Trump’s win was fueled by a rejection of PC culture and identity politics broadly.
The following is the fourth installment in a five-part debate between Jason Brennan and Philip Pettit on the legitimacy of democracy as a system of social order.
The following is the third installment in a five-part debate between Jason Brennan and Philip Pettit on the legitimacy of democracy as a system of social order.
Highly informed voters are also highly biased. That’s a serious problem for democracy, but also for any other system of political decision-making in big groups.
The following is Professor Philip Pettit’s response to Jason Brennan’s piece on the nature of democracy. This is the second installment in a five-part debate between the two professors on the legitimacy of democracy as a system of social order.
The following is the first installment in a five-part debate between Georgetown Professor Jason Brennan and Princeton Professor Philip Pettit on the merits of democracy as a system of social order.